Wednesday, August 1, 2018

Jefferson and Trump


In order to even begin to understand Jefferson and his contemporaries, most especially Madison, the penman of the Constitution, it is crucial to understand the time period in which it all occurred. Madison drew upon those he respected most in drafting the pieces of the Constitution which were ultimately debated and set to writing. I have read Madison’s Notes and they are available to anyone who might wish to learn what is behind each and every article and amendment.

Madison drew most especially upon the intellect of Thomas Jefferson. All of this is available too, in the letters they exchanged; largely because Jefferson was in Paris, as a diplomat, while the debate was ongoing. There are a number of books I refer to in order to understand the exchange between Jefferson and Madison. What Madison wrote was almost verbatim what Jefferson stated in their exchange of letters. One could accurately describe Jefferson as the ghost writer of what was adopted. One major exception was what Jefferson wrote with respect to the Separation of Church and State. Jefferson and Madison were not successful in getting that concept adopted in the 1st Amendment, but instead we got the Establishment Clause. Jefferson and Madison were however successful in getting the Separation Clause adopted in the Commonwealth of Virginia, where it remains in Code today. A number of the other colonies did the same in their respective Colonies.

Jefferson was a product of 3 overlapping times in history. The Renaissance is a period in European history, covering the span between the 14th and 17th centuries. It is an extension of the Middle Ages, and is bridged by the Age of Enlightenment to modern history. European politics, philosophy, science and communications were radically reoriented during the course of the “long 18th century” (1685-1815) as part of a movement referred to by its participants as the Age of Reason, or simply the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment was an intellectual and philosophical movement that dominated the world of ideas in Europe during the 18th century, "The Century of Philosophy". The Age of Reason; Being an Investigation of True and Fabulous Theology is a work by English and American political activist Thomas Paine, arguing for the philosophical position of Deism. Paine's original work was published in two parts in 1794 and 1795, titled Part First and Part II, and it sold very well in America. Part III was completed in the late 1790's, but Thomas Jefferson convinced Paine not to publish it in 1802, aware of the possible reprisals. Five years later Paine decided to publish despite the backlash he knew would ensue. It did not sell well.

This was the predominant “school of thought” of those enlightened sufficiently to comprehend it all. Jefferson most certainly was and added to that was the strong influence of his law professor and mentor, George Wythe. Dr. William Small, a professor at William and Mary, also held a large role of influence on Jefferson.

Jefferson’s Classical Education

As a member of the Gentry class, Thomas Jefferson received a good formal education. In his autobiography, Jefferson summarized his early education. He wrote that his father, Peter Jefferson, "... placed me at the English school at 5 years of age and at the Latin at 9, where I continued until his death." The Latin school was conducted by the Reverend William Douglas, of whom Jefferson wrote, "[he] was but a superficial Latinist, less instructed in Greek, but with the rudiments of these languages he taught me French.” Early in 1758, Jefferson began attending the school of Reverend James Maury, whom Jefferson credited as "a correct classical scholar." He continued studies with Reverend Maury for two years before entering the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg in the spring of 1760, at the age of seventeen.

Jefferson spent seven years in Williamsburg, first pursuing a course of study at William and Mary from March 1760 until April 1762, and then reading law with George Wythe. During his two years at William and Mary, he studied primarily under Dr. William Small, a tutelage that Jefferson described as, "my great good fortune, and what probably fixed the destinies of my life." Jefferson went on to say that, "He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me & made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from his conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science & of the system of things in which we are placed." Before Small returned to Europe in 1762, he arranged for Jefferson to read law under the direction of George Wythe. Jefferson remained in Williamsburg under Wythe's guidance for the next five years and described this relationship in his Autobiography: "Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved Mentor in youth, and my most affectionate friend through life. In 1767, he led me into the practice of the law at the bar of the General Court."
Jefferson's seven years of study at Williamsburg culminated in the practice of law but without any type of "degree" as might be granted today. In 1762, when Jefferson was completing his two-year course of study, William and Mary did grant degrees, but the course of study leading toward a degree took four to five years and was directed toward a career in the Anglican Church or as a professor. The gentry of Virginia followed the English model in seeking what would be considered a "gentleman's education." The emphasis was upon an appropriate education, not a degree.

Much later in his life, Jefferson would be concerned with the education of his grandson, Francis Wayles Eppes. In a letter to Francis's father, John Wayles Eppes, Jefferson expressed his opinion that the prescribed course of study that led to a degree would not be the wisest use of Francis's time and proposed that Francis should concentrate upon a course that would be of particular use to him: "This relinquishes the honorary distinction of a Diploma, a good enough thing to excite the ambition of youth to study, but, in modern estimation, no longer worth tacking, by its initials to one's name; and certainly not worth the sacrifice of a single useful science."

Jefferson himself could have "tacked initials" to his name had he felt it important, as he was awarded four honorary degrees during his lifetime.

Jefferson governed, as President of the United States, as he penned. He lived what he wrote, something seriously missing today with those who homestead elected offices in Washington, DC today, sadly. Noted below are the Principles of Jefferson and those principles are embodied in Jefferson's Platform for His Democrat-Republican Candidacy and Presidency.

As far as I am concerned, these remain the principles of my Democratic Party and no less so than I deem the Constitution to be interpreted as intended by the framers of said Constitution. If you come to understand this, you too will conclude that all Amendments passed after the 10th are superfluous, with rare exception.

Principles of Jefferson

About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper that you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations.
Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;

peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations — entangling alliances with none;

the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies;

the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;

a jealous care of the right of election by the people — a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of the revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;

absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority — the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;

a well-disciplined militia — our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them;

Principles of Jefferson: the militia is EVERY able-bodied man between the ages of 18-55. [He provided NO exceptions!]

the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;

economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;

encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;

the diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason;

freedom of religion; [NOT freedom from religion]
freedom of the press;

freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected — these principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.

Jefferson promised to govern as he felt the Founders intended, based on decentralized government & trust in the people to make the right decisions for themselves. He favored a more literal interpretation of the Constitution and thought that [Federal] governmental powers shouldn’t be so far-reaching. These are the Principles of Jefferson.

Jefferson strictly interpreted the Constitution and believed in a decentralized government that should exist primarily to protect man’s natural rights to life, liberty, and property. Jefferson felt that the states should hold greater authority than the federal government, since the states were closer to the people and were less likely to abuse their authority. Furthermore, his strict interpretation of the Constitution—believing that what was not specifically written was forbidden.

Jefferson's Platform for His Democrat-Republican Candidacy and Presidency

Political parties in the 1790s did not issue official platforms, but our co-founder Thomas Jefferson issued a major statement in January 1799 that was widely reprinted and circulated. It became the basis of his party's philosophy and is the basis of the platform of the Jefferson Democrat-Republican Party [Present day Democrat Party] today:

…In confutation of these and all future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a profession of my political faith; in confidence that you will consider every future imputation on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood and calumny.

I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union and to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division of powers.

And I am not for transferring all the powers of the States to the general government, nor all those of that government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of it's being a public blessing.

I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced; and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which, by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.

And I am not for linking ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents.

And I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of philosophy. For awing the human mind by stories of raw-head & bloody bones to a distrust of its own vision, & to repose implicitly on that of others, to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement, to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our forefathers.

To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic. But I have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our commerce.

-Thomas Jefferson

I truly and sincerely believe that the sitting President is trying his heart out to take us back to these Principles. The enlightenment and intellect of today is no match for those who sat through this process of Adoption and Ratification. These were far superior men, with a far superior intellect and a far superior honesty, integrity and character. We do not have to equal that intellect to know what to do to get it right. We just have to know to look back to them and their understanding to do what is right.

By the way, there is no room in the Party of Jefferson for Socialists or “Social Democrats”, as they self-identify. Jefferson’s Party Platform remains the framework of my party, Jefferson’s Democrat-Republican Party. If anyone reading this believes he/ she is up to the intellect and all else of Jefferson and his fellow Framers, disabuse yourself of that nonsense, you are suffering delusions of grandeur. We do not live in the Age of Reason, Enlightenment or Renaissance. We now live in the Age of Self, with no regard for reason, or of our fellow man. Furthermore, you will not understand even a minuscule part of why I write what I write from time to time until you read this. These are the things I believe and I write what I believe to be true.

Footnote:  George Wythe was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.