In
order to even begin to understand Jefferson and his contemporaries, most
especially Madison, the penman of the Constitution, it is crucial to understand
the time period in which it all occurred. Madison drew upon those he respected
most in drafting the pieces of the Constitution which were ultimately debated
and set to writing. I have read Madison’s Notes and they are available to
anyone who might wish to learn what is behind each and every article and amendment.
Madison
drew most especially upon the intellect of Thomas Jefferson. All of this is
available too, in the letters they exchanged; largely because Jefferson was in
Paris, as a diplomat, while the debate was ongoing. There are a number of books
I refer to in order to understand the exchange between Jefferson and Madison. What
Madison wrote was almost verbatim what Jefferson stated in their exchange of
letters. One could accurately describe Jefferson as the ghost writer of what
was adopted. One major exception was what Jefferson wrote with respect to the
Separation of Church and State. Jefferson and Madison were not successful in
getting that concept adopted in the 1st Amendment, but instead we
got the Establishment Clause. Jefferson and Madison were however successful in
getting the Separation Clause adopted in the Commonwealth of Virginia, where it
remains in Code today. A number of the other colonies did the same in their
respective Colonies.
Jefferson
was a product of 3 overlapping times in history. The Renaissance is a period in
European history, covering the span between the 14th and 17th centuries. It is
an extension of the Middle Ages, and is bridged by the Age of Enlightenment to
modern history. European politics, philosophy, science and communications were
radically reoriented during the course of the “long 18th century” (1685-1815)
as part of a movement referred to by its participants as the Age of
Reason, or simply the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment was an
intellectual and philosophical movement that dominated the world of ideas in
Europe during the 18th century, "The Century of Philosophy". The Age
of Reason; Being an Investigation of True and Fabulous Theology is a work by
English and American political activist Thomas Paine, arguing for the
philosophical position of Deism. Paine's original work was published in two
parts in 1794 and 1795, titled Part First and Part II,
and it sold very well in America. Part III was completed in the late 1790's,
but Thomas Jefferson convinced Paine not to publish it in 1802, aware of the
possible reprisals. Five years later Paine decided to publish despite the
backlash he knew would ensue. It did not sell well.
This
was the predominant “school of thought” of those enlightened sufficiently to
comprehend it all. Jefferson most certainly was and added to that was the
strong influence of his law professor and mentor, George Wythe. Dr. William
Small, a professor at William and Mary, also held a large role of influence on
Jefferson.
Jefferson’s
Classical Education
As
a member of the Gentry class, Thomas Jefferson received a good formal
education. In his autobiography, Jefferson summarized his early education.
He wrote that his father, Peter
Jefferson, "... placed me at the English school at 5 years of age and
at the Latin at 9, where I continued until his death." The Latin
school was conducted by the Reverend William Douglas, of whom Jefferson wrote,
"[he] was but a superficial Latinist, less instructed in Greek, but with
the rudiments of these languages he taught me French.” Early in 1758,
Jefferson began attending the school of Reverend James Maury, whom Jefferson
credited as "a correct classical scholar." He continued studies with
Reverend Maury for two years before entering the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg in the spring of 1760, at the age of
seventeen.
Jefferson
spent seven years in Williamsburg, first pursuing a course of study at William
and Mary from March 1760 until April 1762, and then reading law with George Wythe. During his two years at
William and Mary, he studied primarily under Dr.
William Small, a tutelage that Jefferson described as, "my great
good fortune, and what probably fixed the destinies of my life." Jefferson
went on to say that, "He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me
& made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from his
conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science & of the
system of things in which we are placed." Before Small returned to Europe
in 1762, he arranged for Jefferson to read law under the direction of George
Wythe. Jefferson remained in Williamsburg under Wythe's guidance for the next
five years and described this relationship in his Autobiography: "Mr.
Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved Mentor in youth, and my most
affectionate friend through life. In 1767, he led me into the practice of the
law at the bar of the General Court."
Jefferson's
seven years of study at Williamsburg culminated in the practice of law but without
any type of "degree" as might be granted today. In 1762, when
Jefferson was completing his two-year course of study, William and Mary did
grant degrees, but the course of study leading toward a degree took four to
five years and was directed toward a career in the Anglican Church or as a
professor. The gentry of Virginia followed the English model in seeking what
would be considered a "gentleman's education." The emphasis was upon
an appropriate education, not a degree.
Much
later in his life, Jefferson would be concerned with the education of his
grandson, Francis Wayles Eppes. In a
letter to Francis's father, John Wayles Eppes, Jefferson
expressed his opinion that the prescribed course of study that led to a degree
would not be the wisest use of Francis's time and proposed that Francis should
concentrate upon a course that would be of particular use to him: "This
relinquishes the honorary distinction of a Diploma, a good enough thing to
excite the ambition of youth to study, but, in modern estimation, no longer
worth tacking, by its initials to one's name; and certainly not worth the
sacrifice of a single useful science."
Jefferson
himself could have "tacked initials" to his name had he felt it
important, as he was awarded four honorary degrees during his
lifetime.
Jefferson
governed, as President of the United States, as he penned. He lived what he
wrote, something seriously missing today with those who homestead elected
offices in Washington, DC today, sadly. Noted below are the Principles of
Jefferson and those principles are embodied in Jefferson's Platform for His
Democrat-Republican Candidacy and Presidency.
As
far as I am concerned, these remain the principles of my Democratic Party and
no less so than I deem the Constitution to be interpreted as intended by the
framers of said Constitution. If you come to understand this, you too will
conclude that all Amendments passed after the 10th are superfluous,
with rare exception.
Principles
of Jefferson
About
to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend
everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper that you should understand
what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those
which ought to shape its administration. I will compress them within the
narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all
its limitations.
Equal
and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or
political;
peace,
commerce, and honest friendship with all nations — entangling alliances with
none;
the
support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent
administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against
anti-republican tendencies;
the
preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as
the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;
a
jealous care of the right of election by the people — a mild and safe
corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of the revolution where
peaceable remedies are unprovided;
absolute
acquiescence in the decisions of the majority — the vital principle of
republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and
immediate parent of despotism;
a
well-disciplined militia — our best reliance in peace and for the first moments
of war, till regulars may relieve them;
Principles
of Jefferson: the militia is EVERY able-bodied man between the ages of 18-55. [He
provided NO exceptions!]
the
supremacy of the civil over the military authority;
economy
in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment
of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;
encouragement
of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;
the
diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public
reason;
freedom
of religion; [NOT freedom from religion]
freedom
of the press;
freedom
of person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries
impartially selected — these principles form the bright constellation which has
gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and
reformation.
Jefferson
strictly interpreted the Constitution and believed in a decentralized
government that should exist primarily to protect man’s natural rights to life,
liberty, and property. Jefferson felt that the states should hold greater
authority than the federal government, since the states were closer to the
people and were less likely to abuse their authority. Furthermore, his strict
interpretation of the Constitution—believing that what was not specifically
written was forbidden.
Jefferson's Platform for
His Democrat-Republican Candidacy and Presidency
Political parties in the 1790s did not issue official platforms, but our
co-founder Thomas Jefferson issued a major statement in January 1799 that was
widely reprinted and circulated. It became the basis of his party's philosophy
and is the basis of the platform of the Jefferson Democrat-Republican Party
[Present day Democrat Party] today:
…In confutation of these and all
future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a profession of
my political faith; in confidence that you will consider every future
imputation on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its front the mark of
falsehood and calumny.
I do then, with sincere zeal, wish
an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to
the true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was
advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who
therefore became its enemies; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features
by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first
transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary
tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for
preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union and to the legislature of the Union
its constitutional share in the division of powers.
And I am not for transferring all
the powers of the States to the general government, nor all those of that
government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and
simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the
discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and
salaries merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, the
public debt, on the principle of it's being a public blessing.
I am for relying, for internal
defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for such a naval
force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we
have experienced; and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may
overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which, by its own expenses and
the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, grind us with public burthens,
and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political
connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.
And I am not for linking ourselves
by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe;
entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the
confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom
of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one
sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the
constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or
criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their
agents.
And I am for encouraging the
progress of science in all its branches and not for raising a hue and cry
against the sacred name of philosophy. For awing the human mind by stories of
raw-head & bloody bones to a distrust of its own vision, & to repose
implicitly on that of others, to go backwards instead of forwards to look for
improvement, to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other
science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and
that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our
forefathers.
To these I will add, that I was a
sincere well-wisher to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it
may end in the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic. But I have
not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our
commerce.
-Thomas Jefferson
I
truly and sincerely believe that the sitting President is trying his heart out
to take us back to these Principles. The enlightenment and intellect of today
is no match for those who sat through this process of Adoption and
Ratification. These were far superior men, with a far superior intellect and a far
superior honesty, integrity and character. We do not have to equal that
intellect to know what to do to get it right. We just have to know to look back
to them and their understanding to do what is right.
By
the way, there is no room in the Party of Jefferson for Socialists or “Social
Democrats”, as they self-identify. Jefferson’s Party Platform remains the
framework of my party, Jefferson’s Democrat-Republican Party. If anyone reading
this believes he/ she is up to the intellect and all else of Jefferson and his
fellow Framers, disabuse yourself of that nonsense, you are suffering delusions
of grandeur. We do not live in the Age of Reason, Enlightenment or Renaissance.
We now live in the Age of Self, with no regard for reason, or of our fellow
man. Furthermore,
you will not understand even a minuscule part of why I write what I write from
time to time until you read this. These are the things I believe and I write
what I believe to be true.
Footnote: George Wythe was a signer of the Declaration
of Independence.
